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Document: George L. Andrews to Abraham Lincoln, January 28, 1864 - старонка 2

s

second time from the traitors, when ordered to do so, should be locked up safe, until his return from Ohio.

Thus the whole plan for which I had worked so successfully and with trouble & peril enough, was made to fail.

Marshal Lamon5 by my request called on Your Excellency the morning after the day when Hogan refused to return that Document of Judah Benjamin to me, as had been agreed upon--

5 Ward H. Lamon

I of course knew that if I was thus exposed to the suspicion not only, but to the conviction of the Rebels and traitors of having denounced their plot -- there was an end to my military plan and its success, on which I had founded such ambitious hopes (and not without good reason): for proving to Your Excellency that when I had been honored by a nomination as a Brigadier General, the mistake was not such a very great one, as certain persons had implied it was, with nothing to prove the justice of their motives.

The persons engaged in the plot of Treason were: 1.) Mr Van Camp a Dentist in this City, lately a Cotton speculator 2.) Mrs Van Camp the former’s wife-- 3) Judge Bigger formerly Register U. S. Treasury Dept. I have also informed Secretary Chase of the fact that there was an Englishman employed by the above named Trio, who went to and from Richmond at stipulated periods regularly, and further of the existence of a regular Committee in Baltimore to whom Judah B. Benjamin had finally entrusted the arrangement of this plot instructing them to select Judge Bigger as their agent.

I beg leave to state that through causes and from reasons or motives unknown & inexplicable to me Secretary Chase has left this matter in the following state: 1.) The Traitors know that I have denounced them 2.) They go about free and undisturbed and with the 40 percent (2000$) in their quiet possession 3.) a military plan of some “finesse” & magnitude rendered impossible of execution. 4.) Myself, instead of some aknowledgment if not thanks for having rendered an important service to the country, left out in the cold entirely and without any prospect for convincing Secretary Chase as to my claims for justice.

Even Senator Wilson6 of Mass. who formerly opposed my military prospects so effectually and successfully, has as he assures me, called repeatedly on Secretary Chase, who refuses to comply with the requests I have adressed to him in a letter and who thus compells me to appeal to the President himself.

6 Henry Wilson

My last hopes for thus gaining the good opinion and with this good opinion of the Government the realization of my ambition to serve the country in the field, having been completely baffled, I cannot any longer remain where unfortunately there seems to be employment and a chance for distinction for all except myself in this great army And with feelings of deep and sincere regret I see myself forced to turn back my eyes towards Europe where the present state of affairs offers me a military carreer and employment in Schleswig Holstein having been one of the officers who faught there in 1848 & 1849 for German Honor and for the hope of German unity & power.

I therefore beg of Your Excellency that it may be decided that the 2000$ which I have deposited with the Government might be considered as justly earned by me and be handed back to me so as to enable me to leave for Europe with my family.

Secretary Chase refuses to do so, although 6 months ago, he refused the 1000$ which I offered him [illegible] same time and by which sum [several illegible words] exist since.

[illegible] [im]plore that Your Excellency will kindly and justly grant me an honorable Discharge as a Col. of the U. S. Vol. service with some expression of aknowledgment of my faithfulness and earnest desire of serving the glorious cause of the Country.

Putting my full trust in Your Excellency’s kindness and justice I have the honor to remain with profound respect Your Excellency’s most obed. servt.7 Henry C. De Ahna

7 For Chase’s account of his meeting with De Ahna, see David Donald ed. Inside Lincoln’s Cabinet: The Civil War Diaries of Salmon P. Chase. (New York: Longman, Green and Co., 1954), 207-208.

d3000600

Document: John G. Foster to Abraham Lincoln, January 30, 1864

Recd

3 AM 31st

Knoxville Tenn

11 PM Jany 30 1864

Telegram of twenty seventh (27th) received. I have had a correspondence with Genl Longstreet upon the subject of the amnesty proclamation, but cannot say whether the newspapers have the correct version, as I have not seen them-- Copies of the letters are on their way to Washington1

1 In his January 27 telegram to Foster, Lincoln inquired about the authenticity of published newspaper accounts of correspondence between Foster and Confederate General James Longstreet. Longstreet had written to Foster on January 3 and complained of the distribution of handbills among his soldiers that contained Lincoln’s Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction. Longstreet asserted that the proper course of action was for Foster to communicate terms of peace with him directly rather than through the distribution of handbills. Foster replied with a tongue-in-cheek apology in which he enclosed twenty handbills and asked Longstreet to circulate them among his officers and men. See Collected Works, VII, 153 and Official Records, Series III, Volume 4, 50-54.

J. G Foster

Maj Genl

d3000700

Document: Peter L. Foy to Francis P. Blair, Jr., January 31, 18641

1 Peter Foy was the postmaster at St. Louis.

Private

Post Office, St Louis, Mo.,

January 31st 1864

Dear Frank

I have just heard that How2, put the question to Grant with whom he is quite intimate, whether he would consent to be a candidate for the Presidency. He answered that under no circumstances would he be a candidate in opposition to Lincoln. I think it well to let you know this at once, so that you may take it for what it is worth. My information did not come from How himself but from Bart Able.

2 John How

If you write as I suggested to Willard Hall, say nothing about his being a candidate for Congress. I broached that subject to him and his reply satisfied me that that is not his ambition. I don’t know yet what is.

Very truly yours

P. L Foy

d3001200

Document: Benjamin H. Brewster to Abraham Lincoln, January 1864

706 Walnut St.

Philadelphia

My Dear Sir:

I know that you remember me as now and then I hear of yr kind enquiries after me Knowing how many thousands you have to see it would be my conviction that I was forgotten were it not for these pleasant reminders. It is because of that I now take the liberty to write you a few words to say that the public sense here is that the good of the nation will require that you should again be a candidate for the high post you have filled with such fidelity single mindedness and prudence. We are not in a condition to risk anything in a scramble for or over a new man. For one you shall have my support as you now have my most cordial respect.

Truly yr Friend

Benjamin H. Brewster

d3001600

Document: C. Godfrey Gunther to Abraham Lincoln, [November 1864]1

1 Gunther served as mayor of New York from 1864 until 1866.

Unofficial and private

Mayors Office

New York

Sir:

It is stated in the newspapers that the Government of the United States has entertained with favor an application made by the Commissioner of exchanges for leave to provide with blankets the prisoners of war confined in Elmira and elsewhere.

It is further stated that in order to accelerate action so as to give this relief to perishing thousands before the severity of our climate shall have destroyed them, permission was solicited for the transportation of a cargo of cotton to this city, here to be converted to the purpose by sate.2

2 In November 1864, General Grant and Robert Ould, the Confederate agent for the exchange of prisoners, reached an agreement that granted permission for the Confederates to ship 1,000 bales of cotton to New York City. The proceeds from the sale of the cotton would be used to purchase food, blankets and other necessities for rebel prisoners of war. William N. R. Beall, a captured Confederate general, was paroled and given the responsibility of distributing supplies to the prisoners. There is an extensive correspondence pertaining to this arrangement in the Official Records. See especially, Series II, Volume 7, 1117-18, 1122, 1148-49, 1200-01, and Series II, Volume 8, 318-19.

A number of citizens, impelled by motives of humanity, have observed with pain and anxiety that at this point the negotiation pauses. Each chilly night increases the anxiety; the thought that poor men are perishing from cold cannot be thrust away; it will intrude.

These citizens have pressed me to head an appeal to your Excellency to act, and to act favorably to this measure.

It has appeared to me that if this act of charity and humanity is to be performed, it had best be the spontaneous act of the Executive on his own motion and from the promptings of his own benevolence. In this view of the matter I have declined to concur in any public application to you, whilst I can suppose it to be unnecessary.

Merely for my personal direction I solicit the favor of information

whither

whether your Excellency intends to comply with the request in question.

I beg an early reply.

Very respectfully

Your obt. Servt.

C Godfrey Gunther

d3002100

Document: P.C. Wright and James W. Singleton, Memorandum Concerning Peace with the Confederacy, [January], [1864] [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1

1 Singleton had been known by Lincoln as a militia officer and a Whig in Illinois, but by the Civil War he was a prominent Peace Democrat. The identity of Wright is not evident. The document that follows appears to be a very rough draft of a proposed presidential proclamation calling for a popular national plebiscite on the continuation of the war.

In as much as there is manifest division among the people, upon the subject of a continuance of the efforts of the government to suppress the Existing rebellion, which division if continued, must greatly tend to paralize the Executive arm, weaken by

diss

dissensions the coordinate departments of the government and lead

to an

to ultimate

[illegible] & to

and ignominious defeat of our national arms. Recognizing at all times the Established theory of American government that all just power is derived from the Consent of the government and that laws however wise and salutary cannot be Executed by the mere authority of the Constitution and the

pow

duties and obligations of an oath without a [illegible] support from the people the source of all national power and Executive strength

As the servant of the people acknowledging my responsibility to them – delegated by them to Execute their will as it is expressed through the constitution and laws of the land with a view to future harmonious action and an undivided support by them of all the departments of the government in its efforts to suppress a rebellion which threatens the life of the nation -- and to the end that peace may be speedily restored by suppressing the same and re establishing the authority of the Constitution or of

accepting

yielding the humiliating alternative of recognizing as a separate and independent government of the states now in revolt.

I do hereby request the people of the united states at the approaching Election

And inasmuch

as there is no middle ground between peace



the antagonism between peace and war is irreconcilable -- admitting of no compromise or middle ground. demanding of the people an unconditional choice with the un-Ending evils of permanent separation

and

[assured?] by the empty results of a temporary peace

only

staring them in the face, or the continuance of the war

and

until a permanent peace shall be established by suppressing the rebellion and

an

an unbroken nationality. The present great resources of our country Capable of

the most

almost an unbounded Expansion

not

renders the question of but one little insignificance compared to the inestimable and Enduring gain of a permanent peace

and [illegible] honorably

[by asking respect of?] undelegated authority and legal supremacy. To the End therefore that the people may have an opportunity of voting directly on the question unantangled bay Candidates for office and their diverse opinions I have caused to be prepared a pair of [illegible] and duplicated

[illegible]

poll books for each election district in the United States which will be transmitted to the [several?] seats in due time that the actual will of the people may be correctly ascertained and the officers of the government instructed thereby. And in the Event of a a majority of the votes being for peace and [two illegible words] again chosen to execute the will of the people instructed I shall

myself

and will with a firm purpose immediately adopt such measures of a pacific and conciliatory character as in my judgement will secure the

desired End

most permanent peace with the least [illegible] and sacrafice not omitting an immediate armistice and the recommendation of a convention of the states should other measures of pacification fail

Should a majority of the people declare in favor of war I shall

continue to comply

enlist the co operation of the whole people, and by such means

secure

establish a speedy and permanent peace by the suppression of the rebellion and the restoration of the Union and the Authority of the Constitution

[Endorsed by Lincoln:]

Gen. Singleton P.C. Wright

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Gen. Singleton

d3004300

Document: Hiram Barney to John G. Nicolay, February 1, 1864 [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1

1 The note from Robinson (Robinson to Lincoln, January 21, 1864) which this note encloses, was a positive endorsement of Barney’s performance as collector of the Port of New York. Conservative New York Republicans had begun demanding the removal of Barney, a protégé of Salmon P. Chase.

Custom House, New York

Collector’s Office

February 1 1864

My dear Sir:

On my return home I found on my table the inclosed letter – with a note from the Hon Lucius Robinson Comptroller of the State of New York requesting me to forward it to the President.

Will you be so kind as to put it into the hands of the President, and oblige

Most respectfully

Yours

Hiram Barney

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Hon. Hiram Barney
d3004600

Document: Thomas E. Bramlette to Abraham Lincoln, February 1, 1864 [With Endorsement by Lincoln]1

1 Lincoln submitted this letter from Kentucky Governor Bramlette to Secretary of War Stanton and requested his opinion on the matter. Bramlette traveled to Washington in March and met with Lincoln to discuss the enlistment of black soldiers in Kentucky. Following their interview, Lincoln was under the impression that an amicable agreement had been reached, but Bramlette continued to complain about the matter and proceeded to campaign against Lincoln in the 1864 presidential contest. See Stanton to Lincoln, February 8, 1864; Lincoln to Stanton, March 28, 1864; and Official Records, Series III, Volume 4, 176-77, 436-38.

Frankfort Feby 1st 1864

Sir:

I have learned, with much surprise and regret, that a recruiting post for negros has been authorized at Paducah by the War Dept. As the Chief Executive of Kentucky it is my sworn duty to see that the laws be faithfully executed. I never shrink from responsibility, when duty demands action. But as it is my earnest desire to avoid even the semblance of disturbance between the civil authorities of my state, and any of the departments or agents of the Federal government, I beg leave to invite your attention to the grave questions which the action involves.

Kentucky, as a State and people, has ever been loyal to the Union; and when the chief officers of the State, elected before the rebellion, were either in complicity with the rebellion or in criminal sympathy with it, such was the intense and earnest loyalty of the people that their moral power held the state secure until by constitutional means they obtainted control of the governmental action of the State.

We must be treated either as loyal or disloyal The loyalty of Kentucky has been baptized in the blood of her sons. None dare call it in question. Assuming that our loyalty as a State and people is beyond questioning and above reproach, the enquiry arises are we to be treated as friends or as “enemies” of the government of the United States

The Constitution Confers upon Congress power “to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections and repel invasions”; and “to provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the Militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.”--

The execution of these powers are all that can be claimed or exacted within any loyal state in raising troops to suppress insurrections and enforce the execution of the national laws. If Kentucky fails to meet the call upon her by volunteers, or even without awaiting for volunteers -- the militia may be called out or drafted for service -- but nothing beyond the militia. Militia has a fixed legal signification -- and embraces only the male citizens within the ages prescribed for military service.

It will not be pretended that under the power to call out organize discipline and govern the “militia” that the female citizens may be called into service; for the plain and obvious reason that they are not “militia” in the meaning of the Constitution. Yet female citizens owe alligeance to the government, and may be guilty of treason. Much less are slaves, -- or to use the modern form of expression “colored persons” owing service or labor, -- to be called “militia”. They are not citizens, owe no allegiance to the government such as to make them responsible for treason

They cannot be “called forth to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions”, for the reason that they are not and cannot become “militia” of this State.

The authority for organizing arming disciplining & governing “colored troops” in the rebellious States and districts is derived from the power to suppress the rebellion within those States and districts. Those States and districts which make war upon the government, & are in organized insurrection and rebellion, and by armed resistance to the lawful authorities of the Union, compel the government to treat them as belligerants, occupy a very different legal position from that held by loyal States. In those States and districts the power conferred by the Constitution to enforce the laws and suppress the rebellion necessarily carries with it all belligerent rights and powers sanctioned by the laws of civilized warfare. The rebels life -- his effects including his slaves are the subjects of war. The property may be seized -- the slave may be appropriated to any and all war uses the government may choose; and the slave once so appropriated by force of public law becomes forever thereafter free.-- But Kentucky is loyal -- meets her quota for defence -- sends forth her noble sons to battle for the Union -- now has above her quota of all calls.-- Belligerant rights and powers cannot be claimed as against Kentucky. Kentucky is the friend not the belligerant of the Government

The power to organize “colored troops” is a belligerant power -- exercised over the “colored” population of the belligerant States and districts, derived from the sanction of the laws of Nations; and not from the authority “to call forth the militia”.

Those who are sent to Kentucky therefore to organize “colored troops” have no law to warrant their action, and no competent authority to shield them from the penalties of our violated laws.-- If they enlist a slave or “entice or persuade a slave to leave his master or owner” and enlist in a “colored troop”; or if they receive a runaway slave within their camps and “harbor him with intent to prevent the owner from recovering his slave”; they are by the Statute laws of Kentucky guilty of a felony and punishable by confinement in the Penitentiary from two to twenty years.

There being no authority vested in the Congress to confer such power, it follows that those sent to Kentucky on such mission stand naked violators of our laws;

They are stripped of all mitigation because Kentucky is not delinquent; and if she were this is not the legal mode of enforcing her duty; and such course manifests a wanton disregard of the rights of our people, and a purposed insult to their loyal sentiments, and an aggressive assault upon what some call our prejudices, but what we conceive to be our own dignity as people.

I desire in all things to harmonize with the government in the measures adopted to suppress the rebellion, and restore the national authority over the revolted states. In all doubtful questions I give the benefit of the doubt to the cause of my country. I go so far that I would not resist violation of a right -- were there an apparent necessity for so doing in order to preserve the nation. But when there exists no necessity -- when there is no right or just power for such action, but on the contrary evil instead of good follows the violated right, I must interpose such power as I possess to stay the evil and correct the wrong-- I hope you will stop those who have been sent to violate our laws, and assist me in staying the tide of passion which such acts provoke. Kentucky loves our free institutions, and intelligently understands that they exist only by the observance and enforcement of law. She clings to the Union as the highest assurance and last hope of upholding and maintaining law -- without which there is no liberty. Do not permit our hopes to be blighted and our faith in free government to be crushed by turning the powers of the federal government against the written laws of our State, in violation of that Constitution by which the Union is formed, and by authority of which we battle to maintain free government, by the enforcement and execution of the laws of the Union. There exists no apparent necessity, and no just pretence for the Federal authorities violating and trampling under the foot of power the laws of Kentucky. The interview which I had with the Hon Secty of War, has remained with me a pleasant and agreeable memory; Impressed as I was with the fair and just views which he took of these subjects, I have staked my confidence upon his doing right, and dealing justly and wisely with my people upon this delicate subject. I cannot yet believe that such authority has eminated from him, but if it has I yet hope he will reconsider and correct it.

Hopefully trusting that you will take prompt action to remove this evil, and correct this wrong, and thus save me the necessity which my Executive duty imposes of arraying the civil powers of the State against these persons I shall await a reasonable time for the accomplishment of my hopes and fulfilment of my trusts.

Respectfully

Tho E Bramlette

Govr of Kentucky

[Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Kentucky -- Gov. Bramlette.

d3007400

Document: William B. Thomas to Abraham Lincoln, February 1, 1864

Custom House, Philadelphia,

Collector’s Office, Feby 1st -- 1864

Sir

Having believed for a long time that the true policy of the govermt was to call out an overwhelming power, and therby make “short work” of the rebelion, I have antisipated action on your part sooner or later, in that direction And yet I was not prepared for the call which appeared in our paper this morng.1

1 On February 1, Lincoln issued an order that called for a draft of 500,000 men to begin on March 10. See Collected Works, VII, 164.

Soldiers we must have -- and yet it is only good policy to procure them in the way most acceptable to the people, who furnish them. If the call had origonally been for 500.000 men it would have been well received, but in all those districts where the people have striven to avoid a draft by raising mony to furnish volunteers, the active friends of the administration are greatly embarassed.

In my own ward I have laboured night and day to accomplish this end, and in solisiting subscriptions have assured those 2010-07-19 18:44 Читать похожую статью
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